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Was the April 19, 1995
strike on America's heartland the greatest law enforcement failure of the
20th century that led, in part, to the terrorist holocaust of the young 21st
century? I believe a compelling body of evidence illustrates how Iraqi
intelligence agents infiltrated the United States in order to recruit and
assist Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols in the bombing of the Alfred P.
Murrah Building.
My tumultuous journey
began nine years ago, amidst the widespread death and destruction on a scale
Americans had never before seen. As an investigative reporter for the NBC
affiliate in Oklahoma City, KFOR-TV, I was among the first correspondents on
the scene of the bombing.
Within twenty-four hours,
my news director, Melissa Klinzing, assigned me to cover the international
manhunt for suspects. That assignment soon became a personal quest to seek
the untold story behind the murderous rage and fury that left our country
forever changed. The Third Terrorist: The Middle East Connection to
the Oklahoma City Bombing is the culmination of nearly a decade of
exhaustive research to wrench out the truth, however ugly, in an age of
political “spin” and massaging facts to suit agendas.
The evening of June 7,
1995, seemed almost surreal when KFOR-TV led the 6:00 pm newscast with a
ground breaking story of Middle East complicity in the Oklahoma City
bombing. The broadcast challenged the FBI’s publicly espoused theory that
two right-wing fanatics, Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, single-handedly
pulled off the crime of the century. Our story featured the steadfast
testimonies of witnesses who placed an Iraqi soldier in the company of
McVeigh at a local tavern a few days prior to the strike on America’s
heartland.
Forty-eight hours later,
KFOR-TV rocked the airwaves once more. A downtown witness who stepped
directly into the path of a speeding brown Chevrolet pickup just sixty
seconds after the blast, picked the same Iraqi national from a photo lineup
as the driver of that truck. The brown pickup matched the FBI’s official
all-points-bulletin for a getaway vehicle that was issued in the wake of the
explosion for foreign suspects.
Eyewitness testimony
Throughout the course of
my investigation, I interviewed eighty potential witnesses—twenty-two of
whom I deemed credible because their testimonies could be independently
corroborated and their stories did not conflict with the government’s case
against McVeigh and Nichols. In detailed affidavits, these eyewitnesses
positively identified 8 Middle Eastern men, the majority of whom are former
Iraqi soldiers, colluding with Oklahoma City bombers Timothy McVeigh and
Terry Nichols during various stages of the bombing plot.
All of these suspects
immigrated to the U.S. following the Persian Gulf War, ostensibly seeking
political asylum from the tyranny of Saddam Hussein. However, my
investigation revealed they were false defectors –not outspoken dissidents
as they had professed.
This cadre of former
Iraqi servicemen moved to Oklahoma City in the fall of 1994 and began
performing handiwork for a property management company that was owned and
operated by a Palestinian ex-patriate. This affluent real estate mogul, who
operated under eight known aliases, funded his vast, multi-million dollar
housing empire from monies contributed by siblings living in Baghdad,
Jerusalem, Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, and Amman, Jordan.
In the early 1990’s, the
Palestinian property owner pled guilty to federal insurance fraud and spent
time in the penitentiary. Court records revealed the FBI once suspected
this ex-convict of ties to the Palestinian Liberation Organization.
Six months prior to
the bombing, the Palestinian businessman turned federal felon hired a
handful of Iraqi soldiers to do maintenance work at his low-income rental
houses. On April 19, several witnesses watched in stunned amazement as
their Middle Eastern co-workers expressed prideful excitement upon hearing
the first radio broadcasts that Islamic extremists had claimed
responsibility for the attack on the Murrah Building. The men exuberantly
pledged their allegiance to Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, vowing they would
“die for Saddam.”
The majority of
these Iraqi soldiers were identified colluding with McVeigh and Nichols in
the months, weeks, days, and final hours leading up to 9:02 am on April 19,
1995. The most incriminating testimony centered around one man who not only
fit the FBI’s physical description in the official arrest warrant for John
Doe 2, but according to veteran law enforcement officials, was a dead ringer
for the profile sketch of the elusive suspect.
Witnesses identified this
Iraqi immigrant in the company of McVeigh prior to the bombing, seated in
the passenger seat of the Ryder truck the morning of April 19, stepping out
of that truck at ground zero, and speeding away from downtown seconds after
the blast in a brown Chevrolet pickup which was aggressively pursued by law
enforcement.
Civil weapon
Who is the man identified
by a plethora of witnesses as the infamous third terrorist? I sat across the
table from this individual for eight days of intense interrogation. I
peered inside his psychiatric file in which he confessed to having
hallucinations and trepidation about being arrested for complicity in the
Oklahoma bombing.
His name is Hussain
Hashem Al-Hussaini.
I was able to learn intimate secrets about Al-Hussaini
because he granted me an investigative tool to which few journalists have
access – discovery. On August 24, 1995, weeks after the FBI announced it
had abandoned the international manhunt for John Doe 2, Hussain Al-Hussaini
filed a libel lawsuit against KFOR-TV.
Eyewitnesses had
identified this Iraqi soldier drinking beer with McVeigh prior to the
heartland massacre, seated in the explosives-laden Ryder truck the morning
of April 19, descending from that truck in front of the ill-fated Murrah
Building, and peeling away from the shattered and burning remains of the
federal complex in a brown pickup targeted by federal authorities. Yet
for some inexplicable reason, the FBI never questioned Hussaini Al-Hussaini.
But more significantly, the Bureau refused my repeated requests to
officially clear him as a suspect.
The Department of
Justice did not hesitate to grant absolution to several men who were
identified by the media as having been questioned as John Doe 2
look-alikes. Yet when Hussain Al-Hussaini issued a public plea through the
Oklahoma City press for exoneration, the FBI refused to deliver.
But the
inexplicable silence from federal law enforcement did not deter the Iraqi
soldier from pursuing his litigation against me and KFOR-TV. I viewed that
litigation as an offensive weapon which enabled me to subpoena Al-Hussaini’s
immigration file – that information, coupled with a photograph of a
military tattoo on his upper left arm, provided a rare opportunity to
deconstruct the Iraqi soldier’s murky past.
Colonel Patrick
Lang, the former chief of human intelligence for the Defense Intelligence
Agency who served as a consultant to the U.S. military during Operation
Desert Storm, evaluated Al-Hussaini’s immigration records and emblematic
tattoo. The conclusion – this man most likely served in Saddam Hussein’s
elite fighting forces – the Republican Guard, and from there was promoted
up the ranks to Unit 999 of the Iraq Intelligence Service.
The lawsuit also
ushered in a once-in-a-lifetime moment. In the fall of 1998, I sat
face-to-face with a man I knew had been positively identified as a
perpetrator of mass murder in the very city where the deposition would
take place.
Much to
everyone's surprise, Al-Hussaini broke down under questioning and
unwittingly confessed to self-incriminating details – details known only
to the dark-haired stranger seen socializing with a very boisterous
Timothy McVeigh and the bar tender who served beer to the two men in an
Oklahoma City nightclub.
Sweeping
legal vindication
On November 17,
1999, Federal Judge Timothy Leonard dismissed the libel lawsuit in a
sweeping ruling that upheld as “undisputed” all fifty statements of fact
and opinion that implicated Hussain Al-Hussaini as the third terrorist in
the Oklahoma City bombing. More significantly, the evidence irrefutably
discredited his alibi.
Al-Hussaini could
never establish for the court his whereabouts for the critical hours of
April 19. Nonetheless, he appealed his case to the Tenth Circuit Court of
Appeals. On March 26, 2003, the three-judge panel issued a unanimous
ruling to dismiss the case and affirmed the trial court’s decision.
Nexus: 4-19
and 9-11
Soon after that
fateful day in April of 1995, Al-Hussaini moved to Boston and sought
employment at the Boston Logan International Airport. In November 1997,
four years before two planes were hijacked from that very airport on a
murderous trek to the World Trade Center, Al-Hussaini confided to his
psychiatrist he was apprehensive about his airport job stating “If
something happens there. I’ll be a suspect.”
During his
deposition one year later in 1998, Al-Hussaini disclosed that during the
time he was experiencing panic attacks about his airport employment, he
was residing with two Iraqi Gulf War veterans who served in Saddam’s
army. The Iraqi veterans owned a business that provided food-catering
services to the commercial airlines at Boston Logan.
In the wake of
the suicide hijackings of 2001, law enforcement speculated that food
service workers might have planted the box cutters aboard those doomed
flights. Hussain Al-Hussaini’s bizarre prediction and expressed fear
about an event that might occur at Boston Logan just grazes the surface of
the disturbing connections I have discovered between 4-19 and 9-11.
9-11
Commission and FBI Director Louis Freeh
The 9-11 commission recently discussed my book when commissioner John
Lehman asked former FBI Director Louis Freeh about the possible Iraqi/Al
Qaeda connection to the Oklahoma City bombing. Lehman boldly
asserted that the startling new information contained in The Third
Terrorist “begs for further investigation.” Director Freeh
declined to dismiss the notion of foreign complicity in the 1995 terrorist
massacre.
Philippine/Al-Qaeda
Connection
The evidence that I have outlined, thus far, deals solely with the
collusion of Iraqi nationals with Timothy McVeigh. However, I have also
uncovered strong indicators of an Al-Qaeda connection to this terrorist
operation. The McVeigh defense team uncovered evidence that indicated
Terry Nichols might have received bomb making expertise from Al Qaeda
explosives experts based in the Philippines.
We know that this
small-time Kansas farmer of modest means took expensive and unexplained
trips to the Philippines, many times without his Filipino mail order
bride. The court record reveals the Oklahoma City bomber was in Cebu City
in December 1994 at the same time as the mastermind of the first World
Trade Center attack, Ramzi Yousef.
Did these two men
cross paths? According to the sworn statement of the co-founder of the
Muslim terrorist group Abu Sayyaf, which is a spin-off organization of Al
Qaeda, Terry Nichols and Ramzi Yousef met personally to discuss bomb
making in the early 1990’s.
Richard Clarke,
President Clinton’s former chief terrorist advisor, disclosed in his new
book that the FBI “could never disprove” the theory that the Kansas farmer
learned the macabre genius of terrorist bomb making under the training of
Philippines-based Al-Qaeda general, Ramzi Yousef. Clarke stated, “We do
know that Nichols’ bombs did not work before his Philippine stay and were
deadly when he returned.”
Phone records
revealed that Nichols received and made a slew of calls to a boarding
house in Cebu City, which according to McVeigh’s defense lawyers,
sheltered students from a university well known for Islamic militancy.
Nichols and McVeigh also made a series of cryptic calls on a phone debit
card to untraceable numbers and public pay phones in the Philippines from
public pay phones in Kansas in order to cover their trail. Why? That
question has never been addressed or answered by the Department of
Justice.
Prior
warning and two “lily white” recruits
Attorney General
John Ashcroft recently warned the nation to brace for a possible Al-Qaeda
attack in which the Islamic militants might recruit people who appear
“European”- operatives who could easily slip below the law enforcement
radar screen. I have learned first hand that terrorism makes for strange
bedfellows and unforeseen alliances between seemingly polar-opposite
groups. As the old saying goes, “An enemy of an enemy is a temporary
friend.” Such was the case in the 1995 strike on the Oklahoma federal
complex.
On February 27,
1995 the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare
issued a prior warning that stated there would be an “Iran-sponsored
Islamic attack” on U.S. soil. Washington D.C. topped the hit list. The
primary targets were Congress and the White House, a prescient insight
into the events of 9-11.
The warning was
distributed to the FBI and other federal intelligence agencies. In
response, security was beefed up in the capitol city, so the focus then
shifted from Washington, D.C. to the American Midwest. On March 3, 1995
the director of the Congressional Task Force, Yossef Bodansky, issued an
updated alert stating the terrorists planned to strike at “the heart of
the U.S.”
Twelve cities
were placed on the potential target list because of the radical Islamic
groups and terrorist networks already operating within those metropolitan
areas. As a result, Oklahoma City made the list.
More importantly,
the Task Force learned that the Middle Eastern terrorists had recruited
two “lily whites” to carry out the bombing of an American
federal building. In the lexicon of the intelligence community, the term
lily white refers to individuals who have no criminal history and no
obvious ties to Middle Eastern terrorist organizations. McVeigh, a
decorated Gulf War veteran and Nichols, a farmer and former soldier, both
fit that criterion.
The 1995 Task
Force warnings were generated from multiple intelligence sources in
several Middle Eastern countries over a period of eighteen months prior to
Oklahoma City bombing. Information was also gleaned from terrorist
conferences which took place in the fall of 1994 and early 1995 in which
Tehran’s overriding desire to strike inside the “Great Satan” was
unveiled. Osama bin Laden attended several of those conferences.
There was ample
evidence that an international terrorism offensive, sponsored by Iran and
Syria, was about to be launched inside the United States sometime after
the start of the Iranian New Year on March 21, 1995.
However, at no
time did I uncover any evidence that would indicate that law enforcement
had enough information to stop the bomb. They had no idea that the plan
involved a Ryder truck and the Murrah Building at 9:00 AM on April 19.
They only knew a general time frame and that a United States federal
installation was the likely target. The lily whites were simply
impossible to isolate and track in time to prevent the impending tragedy.
FBI refused
to investigate
By now, many of
you are asking, if the case I have presented in The Third Terrorist
is indeed true, then why hasn’t the FBI arrested these Middle
Eastern suspects? One possibility is that this information innocently
slipped through the cracks of a massive federal investigation. However, I
cannot explain why the FBI flatly refused to take receipt of this
information in 1997 when I offered twenty-two witness statements and
hundreds of pages of corroborative documentation implicating Iraqi
nationals in the Murrah Building bombing.
Officials with
the DOJ told my lawyer, and later confirmed to Fox News, that they did not
did not want any more “documents for discovery” that they would be
compelled by law to surrender to the defense teams for McVeigh and
Nichols.
In 1999, I
returned to the Bureau, and a very courageous FBI agent, Dan Vogel, took
custody of the twenty-two witness affidavits, and passed them up the chain
of command to the legal department at the Oklahoma City field office.
From there – the
documents simply vanished.
They were never
turned over to the defense teams, and there was no attempt to prove or
disprove veracity of the witnesses’ testimonies. Not witness was called
or questioned.
To this day the
Department of Justice and FBI refuse to clear the man identified as the
third terrorist of suspicion in deadliest terrorist attack in 20th
century America. My meticulous research into the Iraqi soldier’s
whereabouts for the morning of April 19 proves beyond a reasonable doubt
that he has no alibi.
Why has the FBI
never even questioned Hussain Al-Hussaini and his Middle Eastern cohorts –
I am at a loss to explain.
That is a
question that should be posed to the former administration and the handful
of people who were responsible for investigating and prosecuting the
bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Building.
Iraq War
Justified
The Oklahoma City
bombing, if orchestrated by an Iraqi hit squad operating under state
sponsorship by Iran and Syria, would undoubtedly constitute an act of war
against the United States. Given what I have discovered about the
Iraqi/Al Qaeda links to the April 19, 1995 bombing, I applaud and salute
the United States military for its tremendous courage and sacrifice in
ousting Saddam Hussein.
How many
more Americans would have been marked for death had the U.S. military not
invaded Iraq and overthrown such a bloodthirsty broker of terror?
I believe that our fallen soldiers have not died in vain to end the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction that have not yet been found,
but to save Americans from another widespread slaughter of innocents like
April 19.
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